Iraqi music is casualty of war



Performing before a half-empty room at Baghdad's Alwiyah Club, Taha Gharib is conscious that the music he has passionately played for decades -- traditional Iraqi maqam -- is dying.

Victim of the country's growing modernity and years-long violence, the poetic form of music that came to symbolise the newly-born Iraq that emerged after the fall of the Ottoman Empire is now played by fewer and fewer groups.

"Iraqi maqam risks disappearing with our generation," laments Gharib, who leads one of just five remaining maqam troupes in Iraq.

"People don't respect maqam anymore because today they prefer singers who just make noise," the 46-year-old says after his performance in Alwiyah, a rare oasis of cultural freedom in Baghdad, which remains plagued by violence.

Maqam ensembles typically include musicians playing a joza, an eastern lute, a tabla, and a santur, a trapezoidal box with 24 strings, though there are frequently more instruments involved, as a singer recites often centuries-old lyrics.

Gharib's quartet, for example, also includes a musician playing an oud, another type of lute.

Dating as far back as the end of the Abbasid era, which ran from the 8th to the 13th centuries, maqam became ingrained in Iraq's cultural identity in the decades following the country's modern founding in 1921.

"In the 20th century, maqam was a pillar of cultural life in Baghdad," notes Iraqi ethnomusicologist Scheherazade Hassan. While those who performed were typically those who had studied maqam for years, she says, it retained a wide audience.

She adds that maqam "historically fulfilled the purposes of a cultural ideal to foster respect for ethnic and social diversity ... it is an expression of collective identity."But two factors were predominant in its decline: firstly, the rise of an Iraqi middle class who began to call for a wider variety of music, including Arabic pop.

And secondly, high levels of violence in the aftermath of the 2003 US-led invasion that ousted dictator Saddam Hussein forced hundreds of thousands of Iraqis to leave the country, and maqam artists were no exception.

Another consequence of the violence was that many of the places where maqam was played closed their doors, and communal bloodshed made it difficult for performers of various sects to play in certain parts of Iraq.

As if to drive home the point of maqam's decline, as Gharib and his quartet play to a crowd of around 100 diners, Arabic pop music blares from adjacent rooms where two weddings are underway.

Maqam today is treated almost like an artefact in a museum, a remnant of a bygone era.

"The ministry of culture calls on us from time to time to perform at recitals outside of Iraq, at the request of foreign countries," Gharib says, noting that he has had to take a job as a civil servant in the industry ministry because maqam no longer brings in enough income.

The slow death of form of music is evident also at the very institution that is meant to safeguard it in Iraq, the House of Maqam.

Given the decrepit building that houses it in central Baghdad to the high average age of those who come to listen to maqam players ply their trade, the typically sorrowful rhythm of maqam seems a fitting backdrop to its decline.

On this particular day, a musician performs for around a dozen listeners, singing of lost love:"The flames of love make me cry/Others toast to love, but all I have is pain/I don't want to suffer any more, but I am drowning/I cry like a lost dove/Lost by day and by night."

While maqam techniques long used to be passed along as musicians rubbed shoulders at ubiquitous Baghdad cafes, this is no longer the case.Instead, Mowaffaq al-Beyati, the head of the House of Maqam, advocates the creation of a school that teaches it to Iraqi youth.

"Maqam is one of the most difficult things to learn, and to sing, and this is especially true for young people today because they do not get any opportunity to hear it," he says.In Beyati's favour is UNESCO's addition in 2008 of maqam to its Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity list, meaning Iraq can apply for funds to establish just such a school.

UNESCO, when contacted by AFP, said that no such application had yet been made, however.At present, the only place interested students can learn maqam is at Baghdad's Institute of Musical Studies on the banks of the Tigris.

"Maqam is part of our identity, our roots -- we cannot forget that," notes Sattar Naji, the director of IMS, where one quarter of the curriculum focuses on maqam."The public will tire of you if all you play is commercial music, but they will remain faithful if you have mastered maqam," says Naji, who in addition to heading IMS, also plays oud in Gharib's ensemble.

Naji says he is hopeful of a future revival of maqam, when his country puts the constant violence behind it, and recalls the Iraqi proverb that notes, "A happy soul sings."

by Jacques Clement,
AFP

Iran's Revenge on Iraqi Pilots



A brief paragraph in the mountain of Wikileaks documents shed a sliver of light on what officials claim is a viscious and coldly efficient Iranian campaign of revenge on Iraqi air force pilots who bombed Iran during the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s.

"Many former Iraqi fighter pilots who flew sorties against Iran during the Iran-Iraq war were now on Iran's hit list (NOTE: According to [Name removed], Iran had already assassinated 180 Iraqi pilots. END NOTE)," the Dec. 14, 2009 confidential U.S. cable stated.

The systematic elimination of Iraqi air force pilots by Iran was a little noticed vendetta amid the crossfire of ethnic fighting and urban combat that convulsed Iraq in the years after the U.S. invasion toppled Saddam Hussein's regime.

Iran used the chaos in the aftermath of the invasion to settle scores from the Iran-Iraq war, an eight-year slug fest from 1980 to 1988 in which an estimated 500,000 Iranians and Iraqis died. The war was largely a bloody standoff that resembled World War I at times with trench warfare, poison gas, human wave and bayonet attacks.

Iran, however, has taken a special vengeance on the pilots of the Iraqi air force and the lawlessness that followed the collapse of Saddam's regime gave Iran its opportunity.

In addition to the 182 pilots who have been hunted down and killed by Iranian agents, the assassination campaign prompted another 800 Iraqi pilots to flee the country, according to statistics released by the Iraqi Defense Ministry.

The targeting of air force pilots began in Baghdad's largely Shiite neighborhood of Karradah and reached its peak in the holy month of Ramadan in 2005 when 36 pilots were gunned down in that neighborhood.

Residents of Karradah refer to that killing season as the Black Ramadan.

The Iranian fury was on display in the death of former pilot Sayyid Hussien, a Shiite who felt that he was relatively safe running a hardware store in the Sunni neighborhood of Ghazaliyah. He was wrong. Shiite militia dressed all in black and wearing masks shot him dead in a daylight hit, emptying an entire magazine of 30 bullets into Hussien's head.

During Hussien's funeral, his distraught mother Um Sayyid Hussien cried, "May Allah curse Iran. They took my son."

A pilot who has remained in Iraq told ABC News, "I took part in the Iraq-Iran war. We had many missions hitting targets inside Iran. It was war time."

The pilot asked that his name be withheld out of concern for his safety and for his family's safety.

"I had many of my fellow pilots get killed and the killer is not known, never been captured," he said. "I do not know why they are killing us. Just because we had to follow orders during war time?"

By the time of the U.S. invasion in 2003, the Iraqi air force was already crippled. Its planes were prevented from taking off by constant patrols of U.S. fighter jets. In an attempt to save his jets from being bombed, Saddam buried many of them in the desert.

"We felt like we had a broken wing," the pilot said. "We could not do a thing to defend or to show the ... pride we once had."

Then came the killing of pilots and the former flyer said he had to repeatedly change his residence, gave up his home in the Sunni area of Dora and now lives only in what he calls an undisclosed location.

Iranian officials in Baghdad and Washington did not respond to repeated calls for response to the allegations.

In a stark recogniton of the peril that Iraq's former fighter pilots face, Iraqi President Jalal Talabani has offered the pilots a safe haven in the Kurdish cities of Irbil and Sulimaniyah. That is ironic because before the U.S. invasion, American pilots patrolled the area to make sure Iraqi pilots didn't venture into the Kurdish region.

By
ABC NEWS BAGHDAD STAFF

Iraqi governments ‘terror’ with a pinch of salt



Every now and then the government has a television program exhibiting certain individuals and presenting them as operatives of al-Qaeda organization.

These individuals are usually presented as leaders in the group in order to tell Iraqis that the government is succeeding in its battle to eradicate terror and reinstate law and order.

But I believe much of this is a bad T.V. show and we the Iraqis are not so naïve to believe what the government says.When the government says it has apprehended and arrested a 'terrorist gang,’ it clearly wants us to believe that the gang belongs to al-Qaeda.

But the reality of the situation is that those arrested and presented to us as al-Qaeda senior operatives are in fact members of the Iraqi armed resistance which the government has been fighting since the 2003-U.S. invasion.The paradox is that after each operation and arrest campaign, we are more or less made to believe that the government has succeeded in rooting out all terror.

But on closer look at the identity of those shown on television as being al-Qaeda operatives, one finds that many of them are university professors, intellectuals and people of note whose social position as well as religious, intellectual and political orientations can in no way class them as 'terrorists.’We cannot claim that they are 'innocent’ from the government’s perspective. For sure they have been arrested because the government is not happy about their practices, ideas and actions.

But little do we know that these people can also be part of a growing group of Iraqis who openly oppose corruption in the ranks of the government and its summary arrests and secret prisons.Charges like these in government’s mind are enough to put them behind bars and exhibit them as successes of its security forces on television.

Azzaman

Maliki filled Iraqi security with Dawa



Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al Maliki fired dozens of officers from the security and intelligence services early this year and replaced them with inexperienced political officers loyal to his Shiite Dawa party, U.S. officials reported in February, according to newly leaked diplomatic cables.

The firings were carried out under the guise of purging members of Saddam Hussein's long extinct Baath party, but U.S. officials in Baghdad fretted in cables that Maliki would do "serious harm to the intelligence institutions by drumming out experienced and proficient officers," including many Sunni Arabs.

The cables, published on the website of al Akhbar, a left-leaning Beirut daily, bolstered U.S. and Iraqi critics who've accused Maliki of building a sectarian security structure during his first term in office. Maliki, a Shiite, was recently reappointed for a second term and is due to form a new government within weeks.

It wasn't immediately clear how al Akhbar obtained the cables. As of Friday they hadn't been published by the WikiLeaks website, which had released fewer than 700 of the 250,000 U.S. diplomatic cables it says it has obtained. However, WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange said recently that he would release some cables related to the Middle East to media in the Arab world.

Although the firings weren't widely reported at the time, the cables portray a prime minister bent on increasing the influence of party loyalists inside some of Iraq's most powerful and secretive law enforcement agencies on the eve of the March parliamentary elections.

The sacking of up to 376 officers from the Iraqi defense and interior ministries was "rattling regional security leaders and masking ongoing Dawa loyalist cadre-building in the security and intelligence sector," the embassy reported On Feb. 28.

In one such "purge," Maliki's office attempted to fire 36 officers from the national intelligence directorate, known as M2, the embassy reported Feb. 4. The then-head of the directorate, Alaa al Amiri, culled the list to 22 and told U.S. officials that Maliki's original list included mostly Sunnis and "some of the most experienced intelligence officers in the M2."

Maliki's office had also placed 47 new political officers inside the agency, the cable said. All were Shiites, many had previously lived in Iran, and they held educational credentials that Amiri "believes were falsified in many cases." Amiri was later fired.U.S. officials said that pressures from Shiites to rid the government of Baath party members could "provide cover to place Dawa loyalists in their positions."

"USF-I (the U.S. military), law enforcement, and U.S. intelligence observers have all raised concerns about these moves by Maliki, and their effect on the institutional strength of those agencies affected," said the cable, which carried the name of Gary A. Grappo, then a senior official at the embassy.

Weeks later, Amiri, despite the support of U.S. military officials, "had been ordered to vacate his post within 48 hours" on orders from Maliki's office, the embassy reported. In addition, Maliki had attempted to transfer 17 senior Sunni members of the Iraqi National Intelligence Service to other ministries, such as Youth and Sports.

"Alaa opined that (Maliki's) goal is to increase the Shiite dominance of the M2, which of its 132 officers, 78 percent are Shiite," wrote Robert S. Ford, then the deputy chief of mission at the embassy.When told of the cables, leading Sunni politicians said that Maliki was abusing the "de-Baathification" laws and weakening key Iraqi institutions.

"This is no surprise," said Mithal al Alusi, a secular Sunni politician. "The prime minister's office is trying to establish an ideological intelligence structure. We don't need that. We need a professional intelligence structure."U.S. officials have refused to comment on the cables or to confirm their authenticity.

The Feb. 28 cable also indicated that 58 Dawa members had been placed inside the National Information and Investigation Agency, an FBI-like body that the U.S. military in 2008 described as Iraq's "premier national law enforcement agency." At the same time about 125 agency personnel were slated to be removed under de-Baathification.

"We are losing a lot of capable people with de-Baathification. This needs to be stopped," said Saleh al Mutlaq, a leading Sunni politician and ex-Baathist who left the party in 1977."This will weaken these institutions, especially when you are replacing them with members of the Dawa party. Their general attitude is only to make the influence of the Dawa party stronger."

By Shashank Bengali

Iraqi writers protest ban




Dozens of Iraqi writers and poets took to the streets of Baghdad Friday to protest at the closure of social clubs that serve alcohol in the capital, arguing that it harkened back to Saddam-era repression.

Holding up placards with the phrases "Freedom first" and "Baghdad will not be Kandahar," they staged a demonstration near the Iraqi Writers' Union (IWU) building in al-Wattanabi in the city centre.

"We don't need a Khomeini state or a Taliban state in Iraq," said IWU chief Fadhel Samer, referring to Iranian revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and the Afghan Islamist group respectively.

"What is happening to personal freedoms in this country is akin to what happened during the dictatorship. ... It reminds us of the practices of the old regime."The protests were sparked by the closure of a cafe near the IWU building where writers and intellectuals often gathered to smoke sheesha water pipes and drink alcohol.

Baghdad provincial authorities argue that they are only enforcing a decree, issued during dictator Saddam Hussein's religious campaigns of the 1990s, which said no restaurants or hotels could serve alcohol.

The ban, which exempts alcohol stores, was initially enforced last year. Under Iraqi law, only Christians and Yazidi-Kurds are allowed to sell alcohol.

"The government should end all this repressive behaviour -- it restricts individual rights," said Ali Hussein, one of the protesters."What is happening brings us back to religious campaigns launched by Saddam during the 1990s."

Copyright © 2010
AFP

Musicians feel safe yet isolated




The letter that arrived at Zubair Al Awadi's home in Baghdad came from the same men who had killed his father.

"They wrote that they were going to cut my fingers off if I continued to play my music," said Al Awadi, who plays the oud, a traditional Arabic stringed instrument that's similar to a lute.

The men who sent the letter consider music haram, or forbidden by Islamic law.As a Muslim, Al Awadi, 34, believes music is a gift from God.

"There are some people in Iraq now who deface the image of Islam and Christianity, and they live by provoking clashes between the religions there," Al Awadi said. "They pretend to be religious. They are wearing the mask of religion, but they are terrorists."Al Awadi fled Iraq with his oud, music scores and recordings. He is one of more than 1,300 Iraqi refugees who've resettled in the Houston area since 2007.

Now, Al Awadi and his friend, Ahmed Al Yaqot, a pianist who also faced death threats in Iraq, strive to keep their art alive in America, where dreams of transplanted music careers have collided with the bleak reality of life as refugees: reduced expectations, menial jobs and loneliness.

Al-Qaida assassins gunned down Al Awadi's father, a police colonel, in 2004, the oud player said. The attackers denounced his father as a traitor. They shot him more than 50 times.Four months later, when the threatening letter came for Al Awadi, his mother begged him to leave Iraq."She said, `I lost my husband and I don't want to lose you,'?" Al Awadi recalled.

For the next few years, Al Awadi drifted across the Middle East, from Egypt to Lebanon to Iran, studying and teaching music.He arrived in Houston seven months ago and took a job in a factory to pay the bills. His 6. a.m.- to- 6 p.m. shift leaves him little time for music.

"One of my friends said something that terrifies me," Al Awadi said. "He said, `You will abandon your oud in America.' Until this moment, I have been trying to prove my friend wrong. But I am seeing that what he said is true."

Al Awadi wants to make a living as a musician, as he did in the Middle East, but the artistic reputation he built there means little here, and he's not yet fluent enough in English to ask directions with confidence, much less navigate a job interview. So he practices and composes on the weekends and ponders the puzzle of his new life in America, where he has the freedom to play his music but no time or outlet to do so.

Perhaps he could visit schools to demonstrate Iraqi music to American students, Al Awadi said, or collaborate with American musicians on some kind of hybrid Eastern-style blues. "My place is in your theaters, not your factories," he said.

One bright spot for Al Awadi was the arrival of fellow musician Al Yaqot in Houston five months ago. When Al Yaqot called to tell him he'd arrived in the U.S., "at first I didn't know whether to cry or laugh or dance," said Al Awadi, who had befriended Al Yaqot at the Institute of Fine Arts in Baghdad.

Al Yaqot, 36, is a soft-spoken pianist who used to perform with the Iraqi symphony. He left Iraq in 2002 to pursue his music career in Jordan.

When the war started in 2003, he wanted to come home, but his father insisted he stay in Jordan, where it was safe.Al Yaqot focused on his music, playing in festivals and composing jingles and soundtracks. He also performed on satellite TV channels that aired in Iraq.

But Al Yaqot's success as a musician soon became a liability. A group of masked men came to his father's house in Iraq and threatened to kill the pianist.To protect himself and the rest of the family, Al Yaqot's father told the men he'd disowned his eldest son and intended to kill him if he ever saw him again.

The family moved to another part of Baghdad. Al Yaqot's father even changed his name from Abu Ahmed, a traditional moniker that means father of Ahmed, to Abu Hussain, the name of another son.Al Yaqot knew he could never return to Iraq. But he couldn't stay in Jordan, where his temporary visa didn't permit work. He lived in fear of being arrested and deported.

Eventually, the United Nations granted Al Yaqot refugee status and cleared him for immigration to the United States, but he could only take only 100 pounds of luggage on the plane. He left behind most of his belongings and a woman he described as "the other half of my soul."

When he spoke of her, he wept.

"It seems this is the nature of my life, to go to a place and get acquainted with it and start to get to know people and then you have to leave again," Al Yaqot said. "I keep telling myself, `I started from zero before, I can do it again.' But until now, I haven't even been able to reach zero to start again."

In Houston, the pianist attends English classes between shifts for his own factory job, but he's far from fluent, increasing his sense of isolation.Al Yaqot and Al Awadi meet as often as they can to play together. On a recent night, Al Awadi propped open his door and strummed his oud as Al Yaqot listened a few feet away, his fingers briefly motionless on the keyboard.

A Palestinian refugee in a tan headscarf watched Al Awadi play from a balcony across the courtyard. Her children lined up against the railing to hear, their faces pressed against the iron bars."Everyone's homeland is in their heart, but my music is my home, my country," Al Awadi said. "My music is where I feel safe."

___

Information from: Houston Chronicle, http://www.houstonchronicle.com/

Iraq restrictions on Iranian exiles



Hundreds of Iranian exiles, including refugees, resident in Camp Ashraf in Iraq, north of Baghdad, are reported to have suffered serious complications from medical restrictions imposed on them by the Iraqi authorities. In the past five months the already appalling medical conditions at the camp have deteriorated even further. Many residents are reportedly suffering from cancer, heart problems, loss of vision, gallstones, orthopaedic problems, kidney stones and other diseases that without prompt and adequate treatment can result in irreversible health damage.

Camp Ashraf, 60 Km north of Baghdad, is home to around 3,400 members and supporters of the Iranian opposition group, the People's Mojaheddin Organization of Iran (PMOI). The residents have been living there for almost 25 years and it is now a small town with shops and other amenities.

Camp Ashraf was held under US control from April 2003 until mid-2009 when the Iraqi government took over control, in accordance with provisions contained in the SOFA, a security agreement signed by Iraqi and US governments in November 2008, which stipulated the withdrawal of US troops from towns and cities. Since the transfer occurred, residents needing medical care have found it extremely difficult to have access to medical treatment in and out of the camp because the camp is surrounded by Iraqi security forces. An Iraqi security committee, responsible for all matters relating to the camp, is now said to be responsible for making decisions regarding medical treatment. The committee members decide who can travel outside the camp for specialist treatment, and they control the influx of supplies into the camp. Moreover, Iraqi security forces are increasingly making life difficult for the residents, including by using loudspeakers to broadcast messages and play loud music at them.

Due to lack of adequate treatment for certain illnesses in the hospital next to the camp, some residents need to seek treatment in specialised hospitals in Baghdad and in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. However, Amnesty International has received reports confirming that patients with appointments in hospitals in Baghdad could not attend their appointments because the Iraqi forces apparently refused to allow others to accompany them, including interpreters. Most of the patients at the camp do not speak Arabic as Farsi is their native language and therefore without an interpreter they can not communicate with doctors in Iraq. It is reported that patients who have travelled to other facilities for treatment have returned without a diagnosis or treatment because of the lack of an interpreter. It has also been reported that patients with mobility issues have been barred from travelling due to the lack of wheel chairs or special beds. The Iraqi authorities have refused to provide such equipment.

The delay in treatment has caused serious long-term consequences for many people. It has been reported that Elham Fardipour, a female patient with thyroid cancer, could not receive the treatment she needs in Baghdad because she was not allowed to be accompanied by a nurse or interpreter; consequently, leading her to remain in the camp rather than travel alone to keep her appointment. Her current outlook is unknown but without prompt treatment her cancer is likely to spread. Additionally, about 60 residents are in need of assessment by a cardiologist for diagnosis and treatment of various heart conditions. Several need surgery to prevent or reduce damage caused by heart attacks.

Ill-treatment of patients by the Iraqi forces has also been reported. Soldiers have forcibly removed patients from hospitals or entered patients’ rooms against their will, in some cases verbally harassing them. In one case a soldier allegedly beat a patient who had just had surgery causing him to go into a seizure.

PLEASE WRITE IMMEDIATELY:

Explaining that you are a health professional concerned about human rights;

Calling for the Iraqi government to immediately end medical restrictions on Camp Ashraf;

Calling on the Iraqi authorities to ensure that all residents in need of specialist medical care are allowed to leave the Camp immediately to receive medical treatment at an appropriate facility;

Urging the authorities to allow patients to choose their own interpreters and to allow interpreters to travel with patients to assist in communicating with health professionals during consultations;

Urging the authorities to ensure that health professionals are able to practice with clinical independence and without fear of reprisals by the Iraqi forces;

Calling on the Iraqi forces to end abuse and ill-treatment of patients and allow patients to privately visit with their doctors

PLEASE SEND APPEALS BEFORE 10/01/2011 TO: The Iraqi embassy in your country and address them to:

Prime Minister

His Excellency Nuri Kamil al-Maliki

Prime Minister

Convention Centre (Qasr al-Ma’aridh)

Baghdad, Iraq

Salutation: Your Excellency

Minister of Interior:

His Excellency Jawad al-Bulani

Minister of Interior

Convention Centre (Qasr al-Ma’aridh)

Baghdad, Iraq

Salutation: Your Excellency

Minister of Health

His Excellency Salih M. al-Sahnawi

Minister of Health

Convention Center (Qasr al-Ma’aradih)

Baghdad, Iraq

If you receive no reply within six weeks of sending your letter, please send a follow-up letter seeking a response. Please send copies of any letters you receive to the International Secretariat, attention of THE Health Team, 1 Easton Street, London WC1X 0DW or e-mail: health@amnesty.org

Additional Information

Camp Ashraf is home to around 3,400 Iranian refugees, who are members and supporters of the PMOI, an opposition group to the current government of Iran, which is banned in Iran. Some have been recognized as refugees. Since mid-2008 the Iraqi government has repeatedly indicated that it wanted to close Camp Ashraf, and that its residents should leave Iraq or face being forcibly expelled from the country. The PMOI, which was allowed by the previous Iraqi government under Saddam Hussain to establish a base in the governorate of Diyala in 1986, is accused by the Iraqi government of supporting Saddam Hussain’s government.

On 28-29 July 2009 Iraqi security forces stormed the camp and at least nine residents were killed and many more injured. Around 36 residents were detained without trial, tortured and beaten before they were eventually released following an international outcry.




Minister demands suspects execution




Amnesty International today strongly condemned a call by the Iraqi Interior Minister for the swift execution of 39 alleged al-Qai'da members as they were paraded before journalists, handcuffed and clad in orange jumpsuits.

"For Jawad al-Bolani to abuse his position as Interior minister by parading these men publicly and calling for their execution before they have even gone to trial, flagrantly flaunting the requirement for defendants to be presumed innocent until proven guilty by a court, is absolutely outrageous," said Malcolm Smart, Amnesty International's director for the Middle East and North Africa.

"It makes a complete mockery of any suggestion that these suspects will receive a fair trial, and sets a most ominous precedent for others."Jawad al-Bolani said at a press conference in Baghdad on Thursday:

"Today, we will send those criminals and the investigation results to the courts that will sentence them to death. Our demand is not to delay the carrying out of the executions against these criminals so that to deter terrorist and criminal elements."

According to media reports he also said that most of the 39 suspects had rejoined al-Qai'da linked groups after being released from Iraqi prisons administered by the USA. One of them was identified as Hazim al-Zawi, al-Qai'da in Iraq's third-highest leader.

Amnesty International highlighted serious concerns about human rights abuses suffered by the many thousands of detainees in Iraq, many of whom were transferred from US to Iraqi custody in the months up to mid-July 2010, in its report New Order, Same Abuses: Unlawful detentions and torture in Iraq, published in September.

The report detailed how many detainees were arbitrarily held, sometimes for several years without charge or trial, and often tortured to obtain forced confessions.

"We have been saying for a long time that 'confessions' in Iraq are regularly extracted under torture, so any 'confessions' these 39 suspects have made, which may be used in their trial, must be thoroughly investigated to ensure that they have not been made under duress, torture or other ill-treatment," said Malcolm Smart.

"What chance can there be for any defendant to receive a fair trial if so senior a government minister shows such contempt for the rule of law?"

Amnesty International has called on the Iraqi government to ensure that these and other detainees awaiting trial must receive fair trials that conform to recognized international standards.

The organization said it recognizes that the security situation in Iraq remains precarious and that it is the government's duty to protect its population, including members of religious and ethnic minorities. However this must be done with full respect of human rights and the rule of law.

Amnesty International has on numerous occasions strongly condemned human rights abuses committed by armed groups in Iraq.

Amnesty International said it opposes the death penalty unconditionally as a violation of the right to life and the ultimate cruel, inhuman and degrading punishment.The organization has called on Iraq to end executions as a step toward complete abolition of the death penalty.

Read More
Thousands of Iraqi detainees at risk of torture after US handover (Report, 12 September 2010)

Qaeda denies militants arrested




Al-Qaeda's front group in Iraq denied on Friday that 12 of its militants had been arrested in Baghdad in connection with last month's deadly cathedral siege, the SITE Intelligence Group reported.

A statement posted by the Islamic State of Iraq (ISI) on jihadist websites said Iraqi claims of the arrests were fabricated by the Baghdad government, the US-based group said.

ISI accused the Iraqi authorities of "patching news due to the failure of their futile security agencies.""Here we declare that this news is completely far from the truth," the statement said.

"If it is true that 10 'terrorists' or less 'according to their claims' were able to shake the earth from beneath their feet in Baghdad, how about tens like them or hundreds? How about if they are thousands?"

On November 27 an Iraqi interior ministry official announced the arrest of 12 militants, including ISI's chief in Baghdad Huthaifa al-Batawi, suspected of helping to take Christians hostage in a church siege.

at the heart of every project "Police have arrested 12 members of the group responsible for the attack against the church," the official said, without saying when they were detained.He also said that senior ISI leader Ammar al-Najadi had been killed in raids in Baghdad's east and west.

The arrests were the first reported by Iraqi authorities since the October 31 attack on a Baghdad cathedral and ensuing shoot-out when troops stormed it. In all 44 worshippers, two priests and seven security force personnel were killed.

On Thursday Iraqi Interior Minister Jawad Bolani said that 39 other suspected ISI members had been arrested in the mostly Sunni western province of Anbar.

Major General Dhia Hussein said that among those detained were Hazim al-Azzawi, an ISI "minister," Ahmed Hussein Ali, ISI's "Mufti of Anbar" and Abdul Razzaq, the organisation's media chief.

Copyright AFP 2010.

No justice in Iraq






THE prisoners below were paraded in Iraq yesterday and all face execution – even though they’ve not been tried.The 39 handcuffed men, in orange boiler suits, are suspected of being al-Qaeda terrorists.

But they have been found guilty before facing a trial. Interior Minister Jawad al-Bolani told a news conference in Baghdad: “Our demand is not to delay the carrying out of the executions against these criminals in order to deter terrorist and criminal elements.”


It makes a mockery of the millions of pounds America has spent on trying to introduce a western-style legal system into the country.The men were said to be Sunni Muslims from west Iraq – although one with blond hair appeared to be a Westerner.


by Chris Hughes,
Daily Mirror

Britain Failing Iraqis



A British bishop has criticized his government's policy of repatriating Iraqi Christians fleeing persecution, saying it was not true that Iraq was safe.

In a special Mass at London's Westminster Cathedral Nov. 26, Auxiliary Bishop William Kenney of Birmingham, England, denounced the policy. The Mass was celebrated for the victims of the Oct. 31 massacre at Baghdad's Our Lady of Salvation Syrian Catholic Church, where 58 people died as military officials tried to end a terrorist siege.

"We know the situation of our brothers and sisters still in Iraq who wake at night frightened by the knock at the door, the unusual sound, the gunshot or the explosion, the knowledge that few if any will defend them, the constant fear and tension of not knowing what will happen next," Bishop Kenney said in his homily.

"We who are here in England are angry when our government said ... that it was safe for people to be repatriated to Iraq," he told a congregation drawn largely from London's Iraqi Christian community. "You know in a way few others do how untrue that is.

"Our emotions are of deep sorrow and possibly also of anger: anger that innocent people are killed in this way, that our friends, our relations are sacrificed for, at best, short-term political gain, and, at worst, for no real reason at all, other than that they are followers of Jesus Christ."

He said the Christian people of Iraq were dying for their faith as martyrs and that he had known personally some of those killed in anti-Christian violence in Mosul and Baghdad.

Martyrdom "is something that the church in England and Wales understands," said the bishop, who was forced to cancel a December trip to Iraq because of the security situation. "The church in these countries is built on the witness of those put to death because they would not renounce their faith.

"Today, it is not only our relations and friends whom we have come to mourn," he said. "We have also come to honor them as people who have been killed because of their faith."On Nov. 22, Alistair Burt of the British Foreign Office told the BBC during that the government would continue to return all Iraqi asylum-seekers to their own country.

Burt said the government considered Iraq safe for repatriation because it was no longer a war-torn country.In October, the European Court of Human Rights wrote the British government to indicate that it opposed the policy.

The English and Welsh bishops, in a Nov. 19 statement, also urged the government "to review its treatment of asylum-seekers to ensure that those who have suffered persecution are given the protection that they deserve and to increase assistance to those Iraqis who have fled neighboring Iraq."

In Washington, the U.S. bishops praised a House of Representatives resolution that condemned attacks on religious minorities in Iraq and called for the U.S. government to work with the Iraqi government to protect vulnerable groups. They said they especially supported development of a "comprehensive plan to improve security for religious minorities and to increase their representation in the government of Iraq and to include them in all aspects of Iraqi society."

Catholic News Service

Sadrists role in new Iraq government



The Shiite Sadrist movement was the key bloc that assured Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's re-election, and now the fiercely anti-U.S. fundamentalist group wants its cut in return: A bigger role in Iraq's new government. Already, it has gotten bolder on the ground.

One recent day, an intimidating group of Sadrists entered a lingerie store in the movement's Baghdad stronghold of Sadr City and brusquely told its owner to take bras and underwear out of his display window.

"I am not doing anything wrong," the owner lamented to an Associated Press reporter after the men left. Still, the owner, who refused to be identified for fear of being targeted, moved the offending items to the back of the shop. Nearby a cafe owner, similarly afraid to be identified, said Sadrists told him to keep teenagers out of his establishment or be shut down for corrupting youth.

Such intimidation by followers of the radical cleric Muqtada al-Sadr imposing their version of Islamic restrictions had waned last year in areas they traditionally controlled, after Iraqi security forces cracked down on the movement's Mahdi Army militia. But now they are increasingly back, emboldened by the movement's success in March 7 elections.

After winning 40 seats in the election, the Sadrists swung their support behind al-Maliki in a surprise move in September that was crucial in propelling him to a second term.Now the question of how much political power they will receive in return is unnerving Iraqis and Americans alike.

The Sadrists' Mahdi Army militia repeatedly battled with American forces since 2003 and was involved in brutal sectarian violence against Sunnis. In recent years, it has also grown closer to Iran, where the movement's leader al-Sadr is studying — meaning its presence gives Tehran yet another avenue of influence in Baghdad.

The Sadrist movement is pressing for a bigger presence in the police and military apparatus and could pick up key service ministries like Health, Education or Electricity, which would give them significant patronage powers for their supporters and wide influence over all Iraqis' lives.

American officials say they would reconsider aiding Iraqi forces that are under control of the Sadrists, whose militia repeatedly battled with American forces since 2003 and was involved in brutal sectarian violence. Sadrists consider American forces occupiers, so their presence in the government could also make it impossible for Iraq and the U.S. to negotiate an agreement allowing U.S. troops to stay longer.

In Cabinet negotiations, the Sadrists have been told they would not receive the crucial posts of defense minister or interior minister, who heads the police forces, said an Iraqi lawmaker who spoke on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the government formation talks.

But senior Sadrist lawmaker Hakim al-Zamili said there is no red line against the Sadrists taking any ministries. He told the AP that his bloc was pushing for a post of deputy prime minister in charge of security affairs.

"The security file is very complicated and needs cleansing and special care," he said. The Sadrists have spoken of the need to shake up the security forces, raising fears they would want to push out some Sunni officers and install their own loyalists.

Al-Zamili was deputy health minister when the ministry was held by the Sadrists in a previous government. He was one of two former government officials accused of allowing Shiite death squads to use ambulances and government hospitals to carry out kidnappings and killings. The charges against the two were dropped, and al-Zamili denies any wrongdoing.

Iraqi political analyst Hadi Jalo said the Sadrists will try to push officers loyal to them into the medium ranks of security bodies where they could flout the rule of law with little or no oversight. But they realize the difficulty in getting top-ranking security positions since al-Maliki needs to maintain an agreeable relationship with the Americans, whose forces continue to help and train Iraqi troops.

The Sadrists are already reaping some benefits from their political status — including, it seems, the release of jailed members, one of their demands.

The number of Sadrists held in Iraqi prisons has fallen to 1,500, down from 3,000 five months ago, according to an Interior Ministry official. The official reason for the releases was lack of evidence, but the official said he believed the timing is part of al-Maliki's appeasement to the Sadrists. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to talk to the media.

Sadrist spokesman Ameer Taher al-Kinani denied any deal, saying the prisoners had been held by the U.S. military without arrest warrants and were freed once handed over to Iraqi authorities.

The partnership between Sadrists and al-Maliki is surprising since the two had been enemies since 2008 when the prime minister launched an offensive crushing the Mahdi Army in Baghdad's Sadr City district and the southern city of Basra. It took a deal brokered by Iran to bring the two sides to detente.

Now, the Sadrists seem to be feeling freer to re-impose their will in their strongholds.

In Basra, students say women at the University of Basra have been banned from wearing makeup, and mobile phone ringtones that aren't religious are frowned upon. Students trying to join the university's music department were threatened and eventually classes were canceled, according to professors.

As part of the deal with al-Maliki, the Sadrists may pick up two governor's positions in the provinces of Dhi Qar and Maysan in the Shiite south, according to provincial officials there who spoke on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the situation.

This would give Sadrists control of two oil-producing provinces also known as smuggling routes for weapons from Iran.

A Shiite parliament member from al-Maliki's bloc criticized the apparent deal.

"What is the use of provincial elections if the situation can be changed in order to satisfy a group of people?" said Mohammed Sayehoud, from Maysan's capital Amarah.

And if the Sadrists gain ministries like health, education, transportation and electricity, they would be in position to use services to win over voters and expand their position in the next election four years from now.

Much of the Sadrists' popularity with their poor supporters comes from the fact that they live side-by-side with their constituents instead of in Baghdad's Green Zone where many Iraqi politicians live.

"You can see sewage gathering behind the houses of even Sadrist politicians because they live in our neighborhoods," said Mohammed Adan, a 21-year-old Sadr City resident standing next to a massive sewage system being built along the Sadr City border. He credited the Sadrists with bringing the new project to his neighborhood.

"All of Sadr City is looking forward to such kinds of projects" under the new government, he said.

Associated Press writers Mazin Yahya in Baghdad and Sameer N. Yacoub in Amman, Jordan contributed to this report.

Iraqi palace could become museum




The British Museum will host the launch of a $5m campaign to turn one of Saddam Hussein's former palaces into a new museum, which could eventually show artefacts from the British Museum's collection.

The project is an attempt to leave a positive cultural legacy in Basra, the area of southern Iraq occupied by the British during the war. Basra has been without a museum since the first Gulf war in 1991, when it was emptied and artefacts moved to Baghdad for safekeeping which has, by and large, been successful.

The city's original museum, a courtyard house, is in poor condition, in an insecure part of the city, and the plan is to replace it with an institution in the city's Lakeside Palace, which could ultimately showcase artefacts from the British Museum's collection.

The British Museum has been closely involved with the project since it was first proposed in 2008. "It is terrifically important that in this war-torn land there should be an important cultural project," said John Curtis, keeper of the museum's Middle East collections.

"There is no major museum at the moment and hopefully this could become a model for the region – it's not just for Basra but for the whole of southern Iraq. It will be a very important cultural resource."

The museum in the city where British troops were based from 2003 for more than four years is the brainchild of the British Army's 3rd Division, under the command of Major General Barney White-Spunner.

When the idea was first suggested it had been hoped that British government money could be used.

"Initially the hope was that the museum could be a British project and paid for out of British redevelopment funds but it just didn't get in under the wire – the army had left by the time it was ready to roll," said Curtis.

"Although huge amounts of money have been spent, no doubt on many good causes, you would be hard pressed to identify them if you went there. This will be a legacy you can see."

Curtis said the hope was that the museum would show artefacts from richly historical sites, including the biblical city Ur of the Chaldees, birthplace of Abraham.

The Lakeside Palace is one of about 50 palaces that Saddam had built around Iraq, most of which he never used.

The building, which backs on to the Shatt al-Arab waterway, is more like a pavilion than a palace – although there is a lot of ornate plasterwork and woodwork – and it is an ideal size for a regional museum.

What goes to Basra will be up to the museum authorities in Iraq, but the intention is to have three rooms exploring the history and archaeology of Iraq and a fourth specifically about Basra.

A feasibility study was undertaken by Major Rupert Burridge of the Royal Engineers in 2008 and a newly created charity, the Friends of Basra Museum, hopes to raise the $5m (£3.2m) it will take to refurbish the building and fit it out with display cases in the coming year.

Curtis, who has visited Iraq about 10 times since the end of the war, said security was now much better, making the project far more feasible than it would have been even two years ago.

The project now has the backing of the Iraqi state board of antiquities and heritage and the Iraqi government, and Curtis said that the long-term plan would, it is hoped, involve the British Museum lending some of its artefacts to the Basra museum and sending special exhibitions.

Mark Brown, arts correspondent
The Guardian.